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B 89
Brown, Wendy,.
States of Injury : : Power and Freedom in Late Modernity / / Wendy Brown. - 1515/9780691201399. - Princeton, NJ : : Princeton University Press,, ©1995. - 1 online resource ( час. мин.), 1515/9780691201399. - In English. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/D0CDE846-B01F-4033-AE88-1FDF8FD14515. - ISBN 0691201390. - ISBN 9780691201399 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page (publisher's Web site, viewed 26. Mai 2020).
~РУБ DDC 303.3
Рубрики: Arendt, Hannah.
Baudrillard, Jean.
Connolly, William.
Ehrenreich, Barbara.
Freud, Sigmund.
Gilligan, Carol.
Habermas, Jurgen.
Haraway, Donna.
Irigaray, Luce.
Jameson, Fredric.
Keynesianism.
Leviathan (Hobbes).
Locke, John.
Marcuse, Herbert.
Mill, John Stuart.
Piven, Frances Fox.
Plato.
Rorty, Richard.
Sandel, Michael.
Weber, Max.
Williams, Patricia.
abortion rights.
de Beauvoir, Simone.
sexual division of labor.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Political science--Philosophy.
Power (Social sciences)
Culture.
Feminist theory.
Liberty.
Аннотация: Whether in characterizing Catharine MacKinnon's theory of gender as itself pornographic or in identifying liberalism as unable to make good on its promises, Wendy Brown pursues a central question: how does a sense of woundedness become the basis for a sense of identity? Brown argues that efforts to outlaw hate speech and pornography powerfully legitimize the state: such apparently well-intentioned attempts harm victims further by portraying them as so helpless as to be in continuing need of governmental protection. "Whether one is dealing with the state, the Mafia, parents, pimps, police, or husbands," writes Brown, "the heavy price of institutionalized protection is always a measure of dependence and agreement to abide by the protector's rules." True democracy, she insists, requires sharing power, not regulation by it; freedom, not protection. Refusing any facile identification with one political position or another, Brown applies her argument to a panoply of topics, from the basis of litigiousness in political life to the appearance on the academic Left of themes of revenge and a thwarted will to power. These and other provocations in contemporary political thought and political life provide an occasion for rethinking the value of several of the last two centuries' most compelling theoretical critiques of modern political life, including the positions of Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, and Foucault.
B 89
Brown, Wendy,.
States of Injury : : Power and Freedom in Late Modernity / / Wendy Brown. - 1515/9780691201399. - Princeton, NJ : : Princeton University Press,, ©1995. - 1 online resource ( час. мин.), 1515/9780691201399. - In English. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/D0CDE846-B01F-4033-AE88-1FDF8FD14515. - ISBN 0691201390. - ISBN 9780691201399 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page (publisher's Web site, viewed 26. Mai 2020).
Рубрики: Arendt, Hannah.
Baudrillard, Jean.
Connolly, William.
Ehrenreich, Barbara.
Freud, Sigmund.
Gilligan, Carol.
Habermas, Jurgen.
Haraway, Donna.
Irigaray, Luce.
Jameson, Fredric.
Keynesianism.
Leviathan (Hobbes).
Locke, John.
Marcuse, Herbert.
Mill, John Stuart.
Piven, Frances Fox.
Plato.
Rorty, Richard.
Sandel, Michael.
Weber, Max.
Williams, Patricia.
abortion rights.
de Beauvoir, Simone.
sexual division of labor.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Political science--Philosophy.
Power (Social sciences)
Culture.
Feminist theory.
Liberty.
Аннотация: Whether in characterizing Catharine MacKinnon's theory of gender as itself pornographic or in identifying liberalism as unable to make good on its promises, Wendy Brown pursues a central question: how does a sense of woundedness become the basis for a sense of identity? Brown argues that efforts to outlaw hate speech and pornography powerfully legitimize the state: such apparently well-intentioned attempts harm victims further by portraying them as so helpless as to be in continuing need of governmental protection. "Whether one is dealing with the state, the Mafia, parents, pimps, police, or husbands," writes Brown, "the heavy price of institutionalized protection is always a measure of dependence and agreement to abide by the protector's rules." True democracy, she insists, requires sharing power, not regulation by it; freedom, not protection. Refusing any facile identification with one political position or another, Brown applies her argument to a panoply of topics, from the basis of litigiousness in political life to the appearance on the academic Left of themes of revenge and a thwarted will to power. These and other provocations in contemporary political thought and political life provide an occasion for rethinking the value of several of the last two centuries' most compelling theoretical critiques of modern political life, including the positions of Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, and Foucault.
12.
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L 23
Landemore, Hélène, (1976-).
Open democracy : : reinventing popular rule for the twenty-first century / / Hélène Landemore. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource (xix, 243 pages) : il. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/D0F060EC-895C-4F55-A7C8-BCD6D269E783. - ISBN 0691208727 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691208725 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on August 06, 2020).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Landemore, Hélène, 1976- Open democracy. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, [2020]. - ISBN 9780691181998
Содержание:
Introduction -- The crisis of representative democracy -- The myth of direct democracy -- Legitimacy and representation beyond elections (part one) -- Legitimacy and representation beyond elections (part two) -- The principles of open democracy -- Let the people in! Lessons from a modern Viking saga -- On the viability of open democracy -- Conclusion: Open democracy in a global world.
~РУБ DDC 321.8
Рубрики: Deliberative democracy.
Representative government and representation.
Political participation.
Deliberative democracy--Iceland
Deliberative democracy
Political participation
Representative government and representation
PHILOSOPHY / Political
Iceland
Аннотация: "To the Ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in a public space and arguing based on an agenda set by a randomly selected assembly of 500 other citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings in Northern Europe a few centuries later, it meant gathering every summer in a large field, a place where they held their own annual "parliament," and similarly talking things through until they got to relatively consensual decisions about the common's fate. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern Parliaments are intimidating buildings that are much harder to access for ordinary citizens-quite literally. They are typically gated and guarded, and it often feels as if only certain types of people-people with the right suit, accent, bank account, connections, even last names-are welcome to enter them. In Open Democracy, Landemore revitalizes the model of success from ancient open democracies alongside the problems of the present-day representative democracies in order to get to the heart of the issues which contemporary democratic societies are dealing with today. Something has been lost between the two, Landemore argues: accessibility; openness to the ordinary man and woman. Landemore believes the move to "representative" democracy, a mediated form of democracy seen as unavoidable in mass, commercial societies, also became a move towards democratic closure, and exclusivity. Open Democracy asks how can we recover the openness of ancient democracies in today's world, and would it help the crisis of democracy? In diagnosing what is wrong with representative democracy, Landemore offers a normative alternative and strategy-one that is more true to the democratic ideal of "government of the people, by the people, for the people." This alternative conception (open democracy) is one Landemore believes can be used to imagine and design more participatory, responsive, accountable, and smarter institutions, thereby strengthening our democracies along with on the whole, our societies"--
L 23
Landemore, Hélène, (1976-).
Open democracy : : reinventing popular rule for the twenty-first century / / Hélène Landemore. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource (xix, 243 pages) : il. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/D0F060EC-895C-4F55-A7C8-BCD6D269E783. - ISBN 0691208727 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691208725 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on August 06, 2020).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Landemore, Hélène, 1976- Open democracy. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, [2020]. - ISBN 9780691181998
Содержание:
Introduction -- The crisis of representative democracy -- The myth of direct democracy -- Legitimacy and representation beyond elections (part one) -- Legitimacy and representation beyond elections (part two) -- The principles of open democracy -- Let the people in! Lessons from a modern Viking saga -- On the viability of open democracy -- Conclusion: Open democracy in a global world.
Рубрики: Deliberative democracy.
Representative government and representation.
Political participation.
Deliberative democracy--Iceland
Deliberative democracy
Political participation
Representative government and representation
PHILOSOPHY / Political
Iceland
Аннотация: "To the Ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in a public space and arguing based on an agenda set by a randomly selected assembly of 500 other citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings in Northern Europe a few centuries later, it meant gathering every summer in a large field, a place where they held their own annual "parliament," and similarly talking things through until they got to relatively consensual decisions about the common's fate. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern Parliaments are intimidating buildings that are much harder to access for ordinary citizens-quite literally. They are typically gated and guarded, and it often feels as if only certain types of people-people with the right suit, accent, bank account, connections, even last names-are welcome to enter them. In Open Democracy, Landemore revitalizes the model of success from ancient open democracies alongside the problems of the present-day representative democracies in order to get to the heart of the issues which contemporary democratic societies are dealing with today. Something has been lost between the two, Landemore argues: accessibility; openness to the ordinary man and woman. Landemore believes the move to "representative" democracy, a mediated form of democracy seen as unavoidable in mass, commercial societies, also became a move towards democratic closure, and exclusivity. Open Democracy asks how can we recover the openness of ancient democracies in today's world, and would it help the crisis of democracy? In diagnosing what is wrong with representative democracy, Landemore offers a normative alternative and strategy-one that is more true to the democratic ideal of "government of the people, by the people, for the people." This alternative conception (open democracy) is one Landemore believes can be used to imagine and design more participatory, responsive, accountable, and smarter institutions, thereby strengthening our democracies along with on the whole, our societies"--
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T 18
Tamir, Yael, (1954-).
Why Nationalism [[electronic resource].] / Yael, Tamir. - Princeton : : Princeton University Press,, 2020. - 1 online resource (251 p.). - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/475E9F4C-EA45-4672-87A9-0BE8B957326A. - ISBN 9780691212050 (electronic bk.). - ISBN 0691212058 (electronic bk.)
Print version record.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Tamir, Yael. Why Nationalism. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2020. - ISBN 9780691210780
~РУБ DDC 320.54
Рубрики: Nationalism.
Democracy.
Liberalism.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Democracy.
Liberalism.
Nationalism.
Аннотация: The surprising case for liberal nationalismAround the world today, nationalism is back--and it's often deeply troubling. Populist politicians exploit nationalism for authoritarian, chauvinistic, racist, and xenophobic purposes, reinforcing the view that it is fundamentally reactionary and antidemocratic. But Yael (Yuli) Tamir makes a passionate argument for a very different kind of nationalism--one that revives its participatory, creative, and egalitarian virtues, answers many of the problems caused by neoliberalism and hyperglobalism, and is essential to democracy at its best. In Why Nationalism, she explains why it is more important than ever for the Left to recognize these positive qualities of nationalism, to reclaim it from right-wing extremists, and to redirect its power to progressive ends. Provocative and hopeful, Why Nationalism is a timely and essential rethinking of a defining feature of our politics.
T 18
Tamir, Yael, (1954-).
Why Nationalism [[electronic resource].] / Yael, Tamir. - Princeton : : Princeton University Press,, 2020. - 1 online resource (251 p.). - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/475E9F4C-EA45-4672-87A9-0BE8B957326A. - ISBN 9780691212050 (electronic bk.). - ISBN 0691212058 (electronic bk.)
Print version record.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Tamir, Yael. Why Nationalism. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2020. - ISBN 9780691210780
Рубрики: Nationalism.
Democracy.
Liberalism.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Democracy.
Liberalism.
Nationalism.
Аннотация: The surprising case for liberal nationalismAround the world today, nationalism is back--and it's often deeply troubling. Populist politicians exploit nationalism for authoritarian, chauvinistic, racist, and xenophobic purposes, reinforcing the view that it is fundamentally reactionary and antidemocratic. But Yael (Yuli) Tamir makes a passionate argument for a very different kind of nationalism--one that revives its participatory, creative, and egalitarian virtues, answers many of the problems caused by neoliberalism and hyperglobalism, and is essential to democracy at its best. In Why Nationalism, she explains why it is more important than ever for the Left to recognize these positive qualities of nationalism, to reclaim it from right-wing extremists, and to redirect its power to progressive ends. Provocative and hopeful, Why Nationalism is a timely and essential rethinking of a defining feature of our politics.
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F 65
Fleming, Sean,.
Leviathan on a leash : : a theory of state responsibility / / Sean Fleming. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/7B8FED6E-E2E4-440A-A4CE-77EB0DA8B27E. - ISBN 0691211280 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691211282 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 09, 2020).
~РУБ DDC 342.08/8
Рубрики: Government liability.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Аннотация: "The practice of holding states responsible is central to modern politics and international relations. States are commonly blamed, praised, punished, obligated, and held liable. On an almost-daily basis, one hears about the latest round of sanctions against the latest rogue state; about the latest treaty that states have signed or repudiated; about the latest heavily-indebted state that is on the brink of bankruptcy; or about what former colonial states owe to their former colonies. The assumption in each case is that the state-as distinct from its individual leaders, officials, or citizens-is the entity that bears the responsibility in question. This book examines the theoretical and normative underpinnings of state responsibility. Why, and under which conditions, should we assign responsibilities to whole states rather than to particular individuals? There are two prevailing theories of state responsibility. The first suggests that states can be held responsible because they are 'moral agents' like human beings, with similar capacities for deliberation and intentional action. A state is responsible in the same way in which an indivdiual is responsible. The second sthat states can be held responsible because they are legal persons that act vicariously through their officials; states are 'principals' rather than agents, and the model for state responsibility is a case of vicariously liability, such as when an employer is held financially liable for the actions of her employee. Sam Fleming reconstructs and develops a forgotten understanding of state responsibility from Thomas Hobbes' political thought. Like proponents of the two theories of state responsibility, Hobbes considered states to be 'persons', meaning that actions, rights, and responsibilities can be attributed to them. States can be said to wage war, possess sovereignty, and owe money. What makes Hobbes unique is that he does not consider states to be agents or principals. Unlike an agent, the state cannot will or act on its own; it needs representatives to will and act on its behalf. Unlike a principal, the state cannot authorize its own representatives. States are in some ways similar to "Children, Fooles, and Mad-men that have no use of Reason", who are "Personated by Guardians, or Curators; but can be no Authors" Although the state is incapable of acting on its own, it can nevertheless exercise rights and incur responsibilities through the representatives that its subjects authorize to act in its name. Hobbes' "Artificiall Man" is conceptually more like an artificial child or "Foole""--
F 65
Fleming, Sean,.
Leviathan on a leash : : a theory of state responsibility / / Sean Fleming. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/7B8FED6E-E2E4-440A-A4CE-77EB0DA8B27E. - ISBN 0691211280 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691211282 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 09, 2020).
Рубрики: Government liability.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Аннотация: "The practice of holding states responsible is central to modern politics and international relations. States are commonly blamed, praised, punished, obligated, and held liable. On an almost-daily basis, one hears about the latest round of sanctions against the latest rogue state; about the latest treaty that states have signed or repudiated; about the latest heavily-indebted state that is on the brink of bankruptcy; or about what former colonial states owe to their former colonies. The assumption in each case is that the state-as distinct from its individual leaders, officials, or citizens-is the entity that bears the responsibility in question. This book examines the theoretical and normative underpinnings of state responsibility. Why, and under which conditions, should we assign responsibilities to whole states rather than to particular individuals? There are two prevailing theories of state responsibility. The first suggests that states can be held responsible because they are 'moral agents' like human beings, with similar capacities for deliberation and intentional action. A state is responsible in the same way in which an indivdiual is responsible. The second sthat states can be held responsible because they are legal persons that act vicariously through their officials; states are 'principals' rather than agents, and the model for state responsibility is a case of vicariously liability, such as when an employer is held financially liable for the actions of her employee. Sam Fleming reconstructs and develops a forgotten understanding of state responsibility from Thomas Hobbes' political thought. Like proponents of the two theories of state responsibility, Hobbes considered states to be 'persons', meaning that actions, rights, and responsibilities can be attributed to them. States can be said to wage war, possess sovereignty, and owe money. What makes Hobbes unique is that he does not consider states to be agents or principals. Unlike an agent, the state cannot will or act on its own; it needs representatives to will and act on its behalf. Unlike a principal, the state cannot authorize its own representatives. States are in some ways similar to "Children, Fooles, and Mad-men that have no use of Reason", who are "Personated by Guardians, or Curators; but can be no Authors" Although the state is incapable of acting on its own, it can nevertheless exercise rights and incur responsibilities through the representatives that its subjects authorize to act in its name. Hobbes' "Artificiall Man" is conceptually more like an artificial child or "Foole""--
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C 79
Cordelli, Chiara,.
The privatized state / / Chiara Cordelli. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource (v, 346 pages) : : il. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/10586DA7-DD22-45E5-8DA0-A8EC3AEE00E2. - ISBN 0691211736 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691211732 (electronic bk.)
Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Cordelli, Chiara. The privatized state. - Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2020. - ISBN 9780691205755
~РУБ DDC 338.9/25
Рубрики: Privatization.
Contracting out--Government policy.
Public contracts.
Legitimacy of governments.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Contracting out--Government policy.
Legitimacy of governments.
Privatization.
Public contracts.
Аннотация: Why government outsourcing of public powers is making us less freeMany governmental functions today--from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation--are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? The Privatized State argues that it cannot.In this boldly provocative book, Chiara Cordelli argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition--what philosophers centuries ago called "a state of nature." Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, she shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome--defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. Cordelli advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, she presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking.The Privatized State shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.
C 79
Cordelli, Chiara,.
The privatized state / / Chiara Cordelli. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource (v, 346 pages) : : il. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/10586DA7-DD22-45E5-8DA0-A8EC3AEE00E2. - ISBN 0691211736 (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691211732 (electronic bk.)
Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Cordelli, Chiara. The privatized state. - Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2020. - ISBN 9780691205755
Рубрики: Privatization.
Contracting out--Government policy.
Public contracts.
Legitimacy of governments.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Contracting out--Government policy.
Legitimacy of governments.
Privatization.
Public contracts.
Аннотация: Why government outsourcing of public powers is making us less freeMany governmental functions today--from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation--are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? The Privatized State argues that it cannot.In this boldly provocative book, Chiara Cordelli argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition--what philosophers centuries ago called "a state of nature." Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, she shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome--defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. Cordelli advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, she presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking.The Privatized State shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.
16.
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M 35
Martens, Judith,.
Doing Things Together : : A Theory of Skillful Joint Action / / Judith Martens. - 1515/9783110671315. - Berlin ; ; Boston : : De Gruyter,, ©2020. - 1 online resource (1 volume). ( час. мин.), 1515/9783110671315. - (Epistemic studies: philosophy of science, cognition and mind ; ; volume 41). - In English. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/16A8C487-8DD1-43DF-A085-0EF15E8BD9FE. - ISBN 9783110671315 (electronic book). - ISBN 311067131X (electronic book)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on October 21, 2020).
Параллельные издания:
1. Print version: :
2. Print version: :
~РУБ DDC 128/.4 + DDC 302.14
Рубрики: Action theory.
Joint attention.
Coordination.
Joint Action.
Kompetenz.
Koordination.
Skill.
Social Interaction .
gemeinsames Handeln.
soziale Interaktion.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Аннотация: To understand many of our everyday joint actions we need a theory of skillful joint action. In everyday contexts we do numerous things together. Philosophers of collective intentionality have wondered how we can distinguish parallel cases from cases where we act together. Often their theories argue in favor of one characteristic, feature, or function, that differentiates the two. This feature then distinguishes parallel actions from joint action. The approach in this book is different. Three claims are developed: (1) There are several functions that help human agents coordinate and act together. (2) This entails that joint action should be understood through these different, interrelated, types of coordination. (3) A multidimensional conceptual space, with three levels of control and coordination, will allow us to connect these different forms of coordination and their interdependencies. This allows us to understand the jointness of an action in a more differentiated and encompassing way. This approach has ramifications for several distinctions that are typically understood to be binary, including those between action and mere bodily movement, joint action and parallel action, and action together and not together.
M 35
Martens, Judith,.
Doing Things Together : : A Theory of Skillful Joint Action / / Judith Martens. - 1515/9783110671315. - Berlin ; ; Boston : : De Gruyter,, ©2020. - 1 online resource (1 volume). ( час. мин.), 1515/9783110671315. - (Epistemic studies: philosophy of science, cognition and mind ; ; volume 41). - In English. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/16A8C487-8DD1-43DF-A085-0EF15E8BD9FE. - ISBN 9783110671315 (electronic book). - ISBN 311067131X (electronic book)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on October 21, 2020).
Параллельные издания:
1. Print version: :
2. Print version: :
Рубрики: Action theory.
Joint attention.
Coordination.
Joint Action.
Kompetenz.
Koordination.
Skill.
Social Interaction .
gemeinsames Handeln.
soziale Interaktion.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Аннотация: To understand many of our everyday joint actions we need a theory of skillful joint action. In everyday contexts we do numerous things together. Philosophers of collective intentionality have wondered how we can distinguish parallel cases from cases where we act together. Often their theories argue in favor of one characteristic, feature, or function, that differentiates the two. This feature then distinguishes parallel actions from joint action. The approach in this book is different. Three claims are developed: (1) There are several functions that help human agents coordinate and act together. (2) This entails that joint action should be understood through these different, interrelated, types of coordination. (3) A multidimensional conceptual space, with three levels of control and coordination, will allow us to connect these different forms of coordination and their interdependencies. This allows us to understand the jointness of an action in a more differentiated and encompassing way. This approach has ramifications for several distinctions that are typically understood to be binary, including those between action and mere bodily movement, joint action and parallel action, and action together and not together.
17.
Подробнее
G 65
Gormley, Steven,.
Deliberative theory and deconstruction : : a democratic venture / / Steven Gormley. - Edinburgh : : Edinburgh University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/BA4B1E63-AD4D-4D9E-97D8-19594E705025. - ISBN 9781474475303 (electronic book). - ISBN 1474475302 (electronic book)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on September 16, 2020).
Параллельные издания: Print version: :
Содержание:
Intro -- Deliberative Theory and Deconstruction -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: Doing Justice to the Other -- 1 Blind Spots and Insights: Between Deliberation and Agonism -- 2 A More Expansive Conception of Deliberation -- 3 Arguments and Hearing Something New -- 4 The Possibility of Political Thought and the Experience of Undecidability -- 5 The Demands of Deconstruction -- 6 The Democratic Venture -- Bibliography -- Index.
~РУБ DDC 321.8
Рубрики: Deliberative democracy.
Justice.
Critical theory.
PHILOSOPHY / Political
Critical theory.
Deliberative democracy.
Justice.
Аннотация: Our political climate is increasingly characterised by hostility towards constructed others. Gormley answers the question: what does it mean to do justice to others? In developing this account, he places deliberative theory and deconstruction into critical conversation with the work of Mouffe, Aristotle, Rorty, Laclau and critical theory.
G 65
Gormley, Steven,.
Deliberative theory and deconstruction : : a democratic venture / / Steven Gormley. - Edinburgh : : Edinburgh University Press,, [2020]. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/BA4B1E63-AD4D-4D9E-97D8-19594E705025. - ISBN 9781474475303 (electronic book). - ISBN 1474475302 (electronic book)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on September 16, 2020).
Параллельные издания: Print version: :
Содержание:
Intro -- Deliberative Theory and Deconstruction -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: Doing Justice to the Other -- 1 Blind Spots and Insights: Between Deliberation and Agonism -- 2 A More Expansive Conception of Deliberation -- 3 Arguments and Hearing Something New -- 4 The Possibility of Political Thought and the Experience of Undecidability -- 5 The Demands of Deconstruction -- 6 The Democratic Venture -- Bibliography -- Index.
Рубрики: Deliberative democracy.
Justice.
Critical theory.
PHILOSOPHY / Political
Critical theory.
Deliberative democracy.
Justice.
Аннотация: Our political climate is increasingly characterised by hostility towards constructed others. Gormley answers the question: what does it mean to do justice to others? In developing this account, he places deliberative theory and deconstruction into critical conversation with the work of Mouffe, Aristotle, Rorty, Laclau and critical theory.
18.
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C 51
Cherniss, (Joshua Laurence), (1979-).
Liberalism in dark times : : the liberal ethos in the twentieth century / / Joshua L. Cherniss. - Princeton : : Princeton University Press,, 2021. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/C4D0702E-3849-43D1-8299-647D943021DF. - ISBN 0691220948. - ISBN 9780691220949 (electronic bk.)
Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Cherniss, Joshua L. 1979- Liberalism in dark times. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2021. - ISBN 9780691217031
Содержание:
Introduction : the vices of virtue : liberalism and the problem of ruthlessness -- "Squeamishness is the crime" : ruthlessness, ethos, and the critique of liberalism -- Between tragedy and utopia : Weber and Lukács on ethics and politics -- A just man : Albert Camus and the search for a decent heroism -- The "morality of prudence" and the fertility of doubt : Raymond Aron's defense of a "realist" liberalism -- Against cynicism and sentimentality : Reinhold Niebuhr's chastened liberal realism -- "The courage of... our doubts and uncertainties" : Isaiah Berlin, ethical moderation, and liberal ethos -- Conclusion : good characters for good liberals? : ethos and the reconstruction of liberalism.
~РУБ DDC 320.51
Рубрики: Liberalism--Philosophy--History, 20th century.
Liberalism--Moral and ethical aspects.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
HISTORY / Modern / 20th Century.
Liberalism--Moral and ethical aspects.
Liberalism--Philosophy.
Political and social views.
Аннотация: "Today, liberals face a predicament: how to defend liberal principles, when adherence to them seems to constitute a fatal disadvantage against unprincipled opponents. The challenge is not new. In the early years of the twentieth century, liberalism was attacked, by critics on both the right and, especially, the left for being hypocritical, naïve, irresponsible, and impotent. It couldn't, for example (anti-liberalists thought), address the acute inequality of imperial rule, racial segregation, and socio-economic poverty. These issues of social justice it was claimed by critics required a politics marked by an uncompromising commitment to ultimate ends, and an unrelenting use of power. Faced with such sentiments and the practical successes of anti-liberal ideologies (i.e. Fascism, Nazism, and Communism) liberals felt pressure to silence their scruples and doubts, and embrace the confidence, ruthlessness, and intransigence exhibited by their opponents. But doing so seemed tantamount to abandoning liberal hopes for, and commitments to, human freedom and all they valued in the first place. In Liberalism for Dark Times, Cherniss tells the story of the liberal response to this challenge in the twentieth century. Through a close study of five leading intellectuals engaged in these debates-Max Weber, Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin-Cherniss reconstructs a distinctive, neglected strand of liberal thought. This strand defines and defends liberalism as a political ethos: a complex of dispositions, temperament, and sensibility and style-which include skepticism; openness to experience; and careful, discriminating judgment-that shape how individuals make choices, meet challenges, understand and pursue possibilities, and conduct themselves toward others in the course of political struggle. In reconstructing the history of, what he calls, a tempered liberalism, and formulating it as a distinctive political perspective, Cherniss offers an alternative to the prevalent ways of thinking about both, liberalism's history and the intellectual resources available to it today"--
"A timely defense of liberalism that draws vital lessons from its greatest midcentury proponents. Today, liberalism faces threats from across the political spectrum. While right-wing populists and leftist purists righteously violate liberal norms, theorists of liberalism seem to have little to say. In Liberalism in Dark Times, Joshua Cherniss issues a rousing defense of the liberal tradition, drawing on a neglected strand of liberal thought.Assaults on liberalism-a political order characterized by limits on political power and respect for individual rights-are nothing new. Early in the twentieth century, democracy was under attack around the world, with one country after another succumbing to dictatorship. While many intellectuals dismissed liberalism as outdated, unrealistic, or unworthy, a handful of writers defended and reinvigorated the liberal ideal, including Max Weber, Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin-each of whom is given a compelling new assessment here.Building on the work of these thinkers, Cherniss urges us to imagine liberalism not as a set of policies but as a temperament or disposition-one marked by openness to complexity, willingness to acknowledge uncertainty, tolerance for difference, and resistance to ruthlessness. In the face of rising political fanaticism, he persuasively argues for the continuing importance of this liberal ethos"--
Доп.точки доступа:
Weber, Max,
Aron, Raymond,
Camus, Albert,
Niebuhr, Reinhold,
Berlin, Isaiah,
C 51
Cherniss, (Joshua Laurence), (1979-).
Liberalism in dark times : : the liberal ethos in the twentieth century / / Joshua L. Cherniss. - Princeton : : Princeton University Press,, 2021. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/C4D0702E-3849-43D1-8299-647D943021DF. - ISBN 0691220948. - ISBN 9780691220949 (electronic bk.)
Description based on print version record and CIP data provided by publisher.
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Cherniss, Joshua L. 1979- Liberalism in dark times. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2021. - ISBN 9780691217031
Содержание:
Introduction : the vices of virtue : liberalism and the problem of ruthlessness -- "Squeamishness is the crime" : ruthlessness, ethos, and the critique of liberalism -- Between tragedy and utopia : Weber and Lukács on ethics and politics -- A just man : Albert Camus and the search for a decent heroism -- The "morality of prudence" and the fertility of doubt : Raymond Aron's defense of a "realist" liberalism -- Against cynicism and sentimentality : Reinhold Niebuhr's chastened liberal realism -- "The courage of... our doubts and uncertainties" : Isaiah Berlin, ethical moderation, and liberal ethos -- Conclusion : good characters for good liberals? : ethos and the reconstruction of liberalism.
Рубрики: Liberalism--Philosophy--History, 20th century.
Liberalism--Moral and ethical aspects.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
HISTORY / Modern / 20th Century.
Liberalism--Moral and ethical aspects.
Liberalism--Philosophy.
Political and social views.
Аннотация: "Today, liberals face a predicament: how to defend liberal principles, when adherence to them seems to constitute a fatal disadvantage against unprincipled opponents. The challenge is not new. In the early years of the twentieth century, liberalism was attacked, by critics on both the right and, especially, the left for being hypocritical, naïve, irresponsible, and impotent. It couldn't, for example (anti-liberalists thought), address the acute inequality of imperial rule, racial segregation, and socio-economic poverty. These issues of social justice it was claimed by critics required a politics marked by an uncompromising commitment to ultimate ends, and an unrelenting use of power. Faced with such sentiments and the practical successes of anti-liberal ideologies (i.e. Fascism, Nazism, and Communism) liberals felt pressure to silence their scruples and doubts, and embrace the confidence, ruthlessness, and intransigence exhibited by their opponents. But doing so seemed tantamount to abandoning liberal hopes for, and commitments to, human freedom and all they valued in the first place. In Liberalism for Dark Times, Cherniss tells the story of the liberal response to this challenge in the twentieth century. Through a close study of five leading intellectuals engaged in these debates-Max Weber, Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin-Cherniss reconstructs a distinctive, neglected strand of liberal thought. This strand defines and defends liberalism as a political ethos: a complex of dispositions, temperament, and sensibility and style-which include skepticism; openness to experience; and careful, discriminating judgment-that shape how individuals make choices, meet challenges, understand and pursue possibilities, and conduct themselves toward others in the course of political struggle. In reconstructing the history of, what he calls, a tempered liberalism, and formulating it as a distinctive political perspective, Cherniss offers an alternative to the prevalent ways of thinking about both, liberalism's history and the intellectual resources available to it today"--
"A timely defense of liberalism that draws vital lessons from its greatest midcentury proponents. Today, liberalism faces threats from across the political spectrum. While right-wing populists and leftist purists righteously violate liberal norms, theorists of liberalism seem to have little to say. In Liberalism in Dark Times, Joshua Cherniss issues a rousing defense of the liberal tradition, drawing on a neglected strand of liberal thought.Assaults on liberalism-a political order characterized by limits on political power and respect for individual rights-are nothing new. Early in the twentieth century, democracy was under attack around the world, with one country after another succumbing to dictatorship. While many intellectuals dismissed liberalism as outdated, unrealistic, or unworthy, a handful of writers defended and reinvigorated the liberal ideal, including Max Weber, Raymond Aron, Albert Camus, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Isaiah Berlin-each of whom is given a compelling new assessment here.Building on the work of these thinkers, Cherniss urges us to imagine liberalism not as a set of policies but as a temperament or disposition-one marked by openness to complexity, willingness to acknowledge uncertainty, tolerance for difference, and resistance to ruthlessness. In the face of rising political fanaticism, he persuasively argues for the continuing importance of this liberal ethos"--
Доп.точки доступа:
Weber, Max,
Aron, Raymond,
Camus, Albert,
Niebuhr, Reinhold,
Berlin, Isaiah,
19.
Подробнее
V 86
Volk, Katharina, (1969-).
The Roman republic of letters : : scholarship, philosophy, and politics in the age of Cicero and Caesar / / Katharina Volk. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2021]. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/FD4156CC-E6D8-47D2-9C18-7E802A49F812. - ISBN 069122434X (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691224343 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 08, 2021).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Volk, Katharina, 1969- Roman republic of letters. - Princeton ; Oxford : Princeton University Press, [2021]. - ISBN 9780691193878
Содержание:
Introduction -- Res publica of letters -- Engaged philosophy -- Philosophy after Pharsalus -- The invention of Rome -- Coopting the cosmos -- Conclusion.
~РУБ DDC 937/.03
Рубрики: Learning and scholarship--History.--Rome
Politics and culture--History.--Rome
Politics and literature--History.--Rome
Republicanism--History.--Rome
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
HISTORY / Ancient / Rome.
Intellectual life.
Learning and scholarship.
Manners and customs.
Politics and culture.
Politics and government.
Politics and literature.
Republicanism.
Rome--History, Republic, 265-30 B.C.
Rome--Politics and government, 265-30 B.C.
Rome--Intellectual life.
Rome--Social life and customs.
Rome (Empire)
Аннотация: "An intellectual history of the late Roman Republic-and the senators who fought both scholarly debates and a civil war. In The Roman Republic of Letters, Katharina Volk explores a fascinating chapter of intellectual history, focusing on the literary senators of the mid-first century BCE who came to blows over the future of Rome even as they debated philosophy, history, political theory, linguistics, science, and religion. It was a period of intense cultural flourishing and extreme political unrest-and the agents of each were very often the same people. Members of the senatorial class, including Cicero, Caesar, Brutus, Cassius, Cato, Varro, and Nigidius Figulus, contributed greatly to the development of Roman scholarship and engaged in a lively and often polemical exchange with one another. These men were also crucially involved in the tumultuous events that brought about the collapse of the Republic, and they ended up on opposite sides in the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in the early 40s. Volk treats the intellectual and political activities of these "senator scholars" as two sides of the same coin, exploring how scholarship and statesmanship mutually informed one another-and how the acquisition, organization, and diffusion of knowledge was bound up with the question of what it meant to be a Roman in a time of crisis. By revealing how first-century Rome's remarkable "republic of letters" was connected to the fight over the actual res publica, Volk's riveting account captures the complexity of this pivotal period"--
V 86
Volk, Katharina, (1969-).
The Roman republic of letters : : scholarship, philosophy, and politics in the age of Cicero and Caesar / / Katharina Volk. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, [2021]. - 1 online resource. - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/FD4156CC-E6D8-47D2-9C18-7E802A49F812. - ISBN 069122434X (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691224343 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 08, 2021).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Volk, Katharina, 1969- Roman republic of letters. - Princeton ; Oxford : Princeton University Press, [2021]. - ISBN 9780691193878
Содержание:
Introduction -- Res publica of letters -- Engaged philosophy -- Philosophy after Pharsalus -- The invention of Rome -- Coopting the cosmos -- Conclusion.
Рубрики: Learning and scholarship--History.--Rome
Politics and culture--History.--Rome
Politics and literature--History.--Rome
Republicanism--History.--Rome
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
HISTORY / Ancient / Rome.
Intellectual life.
Learning and scholarship.
Manners and customs.
Politics and culture.
Politics and government.
Politics and literature.
Republicanism.
Rome--History, Republic, 265-30 B.C.
Rome--Politics and government, 265-30 B.C.
Rome--Intellectual life.
Rome--Social life and customs.
Rome (Empire)
Аннотация: "An intellectual history of the late Roman Republic-and the senators who fought both scholarly debates and a civil war. In The Roman Republic of Letters, Katharina Volk explores a fascinating chapter of intellectual history, focusing on the literary senators of the mid-first century BCE who came to blows over the future of Rome even as they debated philosophy, history, political theory, linguistics, science, and religion. It was a period of intense cultural flourishing and extreme political unrest-and the agents of each were very often the same people. Members of the senatorial class, including Cicero, Caesar, Brutus, Cassius, Cato, Varro, and Nigidius Figulus, contributed greatly to the development of Roman scholarship and engaged in a lively and often polemical exchange with one another. These men were also crucially involved in the tumultuous events that brought about the collapse of the Republic, and they ended up on opposite sides in the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in the early 40s. Volk treats the intellectual and political activities of these "senator scholars" as two sides of the same coin, exploring how scholarship and statesmanship mutually informed one another-and how the acquisition, organization, and diffusion of knowledge was bound up with the question of what it meant to be a Roman in a time of crisis. By revealing how first-century Rome's remarkable "republic of letters" was connected to the fight over the actual res publica, Volk's riveting account captures the complexity of this pivotal period"--
20.
Подробнее
H 68
Hiruta, Kei, (1981-).
Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin : : freedom, politics and humanity / / Kei Hiruta. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, 2021. - 1 online resource (v, 277 pages). - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/BCFFB066-AE7C-49D7-B13B-2911D983874C. - ISBN 069122613X (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691226132 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 16, 2021).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Hiruta, Kei, 1981- Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin. - Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2021. - ISBN 9780691182261
Содержание:
Introduction -- A real Bête Noire -- Freedom -- Inhumanity -- Evil and judgement -- Islands of freedom -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix.
~РУБ DDC 320.01
Рубрики: Political science--Philosophy.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Political science--Philosophy.
Аннотация: "This book is an exercise in theoretical conversation. Two of the most iconic thinkers of the twentieth century, Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) and Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997) fundamentally disagreed on central issues in politics, history and philosophy. In spite of their overlapping life-stories and experiences as Jewish émigré intellectuals, they held mutual dislike for each other, Berlin going so far as to characterise Arendt as representing 'everything that I detest most'. Drawing on a wealth of new archival material, Kei Hiruta traces the development of the Arendt-Berlin conflict, from their first meeting in wartime New York and the second meeting soon after the establishment of the State of Israel, to their widening intellectual chasm during the 1950s, the Eichmann controversy, their final missed opportunity to engage with each other at a 1967 conference, and Berlin's continuing animosity towards Arendt after her untimely death in 1975. Hiruta juxtaposes political philosophy with intellectual history to examine key issues that simultaneously connected and divided Arendt and Berlin, including the meaning and value of freedom, the nature of totalitarianism and its patterns of emergence, evil and the Nazi Holocaust, human agency and moral responsibility, Zionism, American democracy, Britain's imperial past and its post-war liberal present, and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Written in a lively and accessible style, Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin tells, for the first time, the full story of the adversarial relationship between Arendt and Berlin, and draws important lessons for political theory and philosophy today"--
Доп.точки доступа:
Arendt, Hannah,
Berlin, Isaiah,
H 68
Hiruta, Kei, (1981-).
Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin : : freedom, politics and humanity / / Kei Hiruta. - Princeton, New Jersey : : Princeton University Press,, 2021. - 1 online resource (v, 277 pages). - Includes bibliographical references and index. - URL: https://library.dvfu.ru/lib/document/SK_ELIB/BCFFB066-AE7C-49D7-B13B-2911D983874C. - ISBN 069122613X (electronic book). - ISBN 9780691226132 (electronic bk.)
Description based on online resource; title from digital title page (viewed on November 16, 2021).
Параллельные издания: Print version: : Hiruta, Kei, 1981- Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin. - Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2021. - ISBN 9780691182261
Содержание:
Introduction -- A real Bête Noire -- Freedom -- Inhumanity -- Evil and judgement -- Islands of freedom -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix.
Рубрики: Political science--Philosophy.
PHILOSOPHY / Political.
Political science--Philosophy.
Аннотация: "This book is an exercise in theoretical conversation. Two of the most iconic thinkers of the twentieth century, Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) and Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997) fundamentally disagreed on central issues in politics, history and philosophy. In spite of their overlapping life-stories and experiences as Jewish émigré intellectuals, they held mutual dislike for each other, Berlin going so far as to characterise Arendt as representing 'everything that I detest most'. Drawing on a wealth of new archival material, Kei Hiruta traces the development of the Arendt-Berlin conflict, from their first meeting in wartime New York and the second meeting soon after the establishment of the State of Israel, to their widening intellectual chasm during the 1950s, the Eichmann controversy, their final missed opportunity to engage with each other at a 1967 conference, and Berlin's continuing animosity towards Arendt after her untimely death in 1975. Hiruta juxtaposes political philosophy with intellectual history to examine key issues that simultaneously connected and divided Arendt and Berlin, including the meaning and value of freedom, the nature of totalitarianism and its patterns of emergence, evil and the Nazi Holocaust, human agency and moral responsibility, Zionism, American democracy, Britain's imperial past and its post-war liberal present, and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Written in a lively and accessible style, Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin tells, for the first time, the full story of the adversarial relationship between Arendt and Berlin, and draws important lessons for political theory and philosophy today"--
Доп.точки доступа:
Arendt, Hannah,
Berlin, Isaiah,
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